The South Korean government has not published an official, definitive rate for the share of citizens with criminal records. Using 2020 data from the Ministry of Justice and other sources, scholars estimate that rate at roughly 29%.
Yet ahead of the June 3 local elections, the proportion of registered local assembly pre-candidates with criminal records was 36.1%—more than six percentage points higher than that academic estimate.
The gap has intensified criticism that the moral standards of local legislators—charged with representing voters and managing municipal affairs—fall short of the national average.
The Chosun Ilbo reported that its reporting team reviewed the criminal histories of all 6,867 local assembly pre-candidates registered in the National Election Commission’s election statistics system and found 2,477 candidates—36.1%—with criminal records.
The paper said two pre-candidates had 15 prior convictions each. One man entered the 2014 local election after winning a party nomination despite already holding nine convictions; he prevailed with 12.85% of the vote.
That election was fragmented—seven candidates split the field amid low voter engagement—allowing him to win by plurality. Investigators later revealed he had concealed a six-month prison sentence, suspended with two years’ probation, for aiding a fugitive. He lost his seat six months after taking office. He is running again this year as an independent.
A man in his 60s with 14 prior convictions is also on the ballot. His offenses span from a 1993 traffic-law violation through 2009 and include fraud, unlicensed driving, property damage and assault. He paid a total of 23,500,000 KRW (approximately $17,625) in fines. He ran in the 2018 and 2022 local elections but finished with only low single-digit vote shares; this is his third bid.
An analysis of 1,170 offenses committed by 703 provincial assembly pre-candidates with criminal records found that traffic-related crimes—drunk driving, unlicensed driving and hit-and-run—accounted for 590 cases, or 50.4%.
Violent crimes such as assault and injury followed with 164 cases (14.0%); violations of the Assembly and Demonstration Act with 69 cases (5.9%); property crimes such as fraud with 52 cases (4.4%); and election-related offenses with 45 cases (3.8%).
Experts say the high share of traffic offenses reflects a permissive drinking culture that normalizes risky behavior on the road.
In practice, candidates with traffic convictions frequently run openly. One provincial assembly pre-candidate, for example, has four drunk-driving convictions among six total offenses.
Another repeat offender—caught four times for drunk and unlicensed driving—nonetheless served four terms as a city councilor and later won a provincial assembly seat; he has again secured a party nomination and is seeking re-election.
A current civil servant told The Chosun Ilbo that a single drunk-driving incident can end a public servant’s career, so it is shocking that local lawmakers—who are supposed to oversee public officials—are repeatedly convicted and yet still elected.
Investigators also identified multiple candidates with convictions under the Assembly and Demonstration Act and the National Security Act. One candidate was punished seven times for joining pro-North groups and producing pro-North materials; another received three prison sentences for National Security Act violations.
A notable number of candidates facing public office have records for property crimes such as fraud or embezzlement. A septuagenarian seeking a fourth term in the provincial assembly has four prior convictions—habitual gambling, forgery of securities and fraud—and received suspended sentences.
Some pre-candidates with sex-crime convictions or violations of youth protection laws are also running. One re-election candidate was given a suspended sentence after forcibly groping a woman at a local event; he is running as an independent and has claimed the verdict was biased.
Another candidate was fined for allowing minors into a karaoke establishment he once operated; he blamed forged IDs for the offense.
This pattern is not limited to pre-candidates.
Research by the Citizens’ Coalition for Economic Justice (CCEJ) found that 1,341 of the 4,102 winners in the 2022 local elections—including local government heads—had criminal records, or 33%. The average number of convictions per person was 1.6. Provincial and basic councilors had higher rates of prior convictions than local executives.
Major parties publicly disqualify nominees convicted of serious offenses, sex crimes or habitual drunk driving, but in practice exceptions are common and enforcement is weak.
Because nomination committee reviews are conducted behind closed doors, critics say parties evade responsibility, infringe voters’ right to know, and fail to screen out unfit candidates—contributing to a decline in the quality of local councils.
Local elections choose not only mayors and governors but also roughly 4,000 local legislators (metropolitan/provincial and basic councilors), making them a critical component of local governance.
Local councilors wield substantial authority: they review municipal budgets that range from hundreds of billions to trillions of KRW (roughly $75 million to $750 million) and draft and amend local ordinances.
In return, provincial assembly members receive about 105,000,000 KRW (approximately $78,750) and basic councilors about 77,500,000 KRW (approximately $58,125) per year in combined allowances and operational funds.
